American Democracy at the Brink: Trump’s Authoritarian Threat and How to Resist It

“When fascism comes to America, it will be wrapped in the flag and carrying a cross.”This quote is often attributed to Sinclair Lewis (though apocryphal), and it chillingly resonates today. American democracy is under attack, and this is not hyperbole or partisan rhetoric — it’s a fact-driven assessment of events unfolding before our eyes. The most significant threat comes from within: a radical strain of politics often dubbed Trumpism, which has openly undermined democratic norms and institutions. Former President Donald J. Trump and his acolytes have engaged in attacks on the pillars of democracy unprecedented in U.S. history. From refusing to accept election results and inciting violence, to praising autocrats and attacking the free press, Trump’s conduct mirrors the playbook of authoritarians past and present. The warning signs are flashing red.

In this article, we’ll expand on Trump’s assaults on democracy with case studies from authoritarian regimes, draw historical parallels to fascism, and outline concrete steps to resist Trumpism. The evidence — drawn from reputable sources and expert analyses — paints a deeply troubling picture. By the end, you should be profoundly concerned about the state of our democracy, and motivated to act. History shows that democracies can die — even here. But history also shows that people, united and informed, can defend freedom before it’s too late.

Trump’s Escalating Attacks on American Democracy

Donald Trump was not a normal U.S. president — he was the first in our history to reject a peaceful transfer of power. As Harvard scholars Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt warn, “Donald Trump poses a clear threat to American democracy. He was the first president in U.S. history to refuse to accept defeat, and he illegally attempted to overturn the results of the 2020 election”. Indeed, after losing the 2020 vote, Trump propagated the “Big Lie” that the election was stolen, tried to coerce officials to falsify results, and ultimately incited a violent insurrection at the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021. The bipartisan House January 6th Committee concluded that Trump engaged in a “multi-part conspiracy” to overturn the election and “lit the fire” of the insurrection. In Cheney’s words, Trump’s actions went “far beyond normal politics,” constituting an assault on the constitutional order.

Undermining Elections: Trump’s bid to cling to power included pressuring the Justice Department to declare the election corrupt without evidence — he infamously told top DOJ officials, “Just say the election was corrupt and leave the rest to me” (an instruction they refused). He leaned on state election officials, such as Georgia’s secretary of state, to “find” enough votes to flip the result, and when lawful officials wouldn’t violate their oaths, Trump worked to replace them with loyalists. This culminated in the unprecedented spectacle of a sitting president stoking a mob to attack Congress and stop the certification of his defeat. American democracy barely withstood that onslaught in 2020–21, but the threat has not passed.

Attacks on Institutions and the Rule of Law: Throughout his presidency, Trump tested the limits of executive power and showed contempt for constitutional checks and balances. He systematically attempted to politicize independent agencies — berating the FBI and intelligence community (claiming a “deep state” plot), pressuring the Department of Justice to pursue his personal agendas, and purging or sidelining inspectors general and officials who upheld the law over loyalty to him. At one point, Trump’s team even floated using martial law or seizing voting machines to overturn the election — ideas characteristic of a coup plot. Judges across the country (including many he appointed) threw out dozens of baseless lawsuits challenging the vote, yet Trump continued to lie to the public and pursue extralegal schemes.

Trump also assaulted legislative oversight, stonewalling Congress at every turn. He was impeached (the first time) for abusing power and obstructing Congress, after attempting to coerce a foreign nation to smear a political rival. He treated subpoenas and constitutional norms as optional. As president, he declared “I have an Article II, where I have the right to do whatever I want” — a statement alarmingly untethered from the rule of law, and reminiscent of authoritarian strongmen.

War on the Free Press: No democracy can survive without a free press to inform citizens and hold leaders accountable. From day one, Trump vilified journalists and sought to delegitimize factual reporting. “Shortly after assuming office in January 2017, President Donald Trump accused the press of being an ‘enemy of the American people’”, notes veteran journalist Marvin Kalb. Trump’s language ventured into dictator territory, echoing Stalin, Hitler and other tyrants who labeled critics and media as “enemies of the people”. The intent, Kalb explains, was to undermine truth itself — to brand real news as “fake” so that the public becomes confused about what’s real and whom to trust. This “attack on the media had been a hallmark of Trump’s campaign, but as president it marked a dramatic turning point” into outright authoritarian rhetoric. By denigrating reputable journalists and spreading disinformation, Trump sought to immunize himself from accountability, a tactic straight from the authoritarian playbook.

Encouraging Political Violence and Extremism: Perhaps most chilling is Trump’s comfort with political violence. During his 2016 campaign and presidency, he often spoke in admiring or excusing terms about violence by his supporters. He infamously told rally-goers to “knock the crap out of” protesters and offered to pay their legal fees. He hesitated to condemn white supremacists and militia groups — at one debate he told the armed extremist Proud Boys to “stand back and stand by,” which they heard as encouragement. In office, Trump even fantasized about lethal force against critics: during the 2020 Black Lives Matter protests in D.C., Trump asked his defense secretary, “Can’t you just shoot them? Just shoot them in the legs or something?”. This shocking suggestion — revealed by former Defense Secretary Mark Esper — shows Trump’s instinct to meet dissent with bloodshed. Such rhetoric and actions gave oxygen to far-right groups, who believed they had the president’s blessing to commit violence. The eventual storming of the Capitol, with rioters chanting to hang the Vice President and hunting lawmakers, was the horrific fruition of these signals.

Subverting Checks and Balances: Trump and his allies have not hidden their agenda to entrench power by any means necessary. Even out of office, Trumpism continues its assault on democracy. Trump has mused about “terminating” parts of the Constitution to return himself to power. He and his loyalists have developed a detailed blueprint for a potential second term (ironically named “Project 2025”) aimed at removing constraints on presidential authority. The plan involves purging nonpartisan civil servants, gutting independent agencies, and centralizing control in the White House to an extent America has never seen. Observers note that Trump’s proposed agenda for a return to power borrows liberally from the playbook of modern autocrats like Hungary’s Viktor Orbán. In Hungary, Orbán spent years methodically twisting election laws, capturing the judiciary, and silencing media to ensure he could “never lose” — tactics Trump seems keen to emulate (more on Orbán below). Within days of a hypothetical second inauguration, Trump insiders vow he would invoke the “unitary executive” theory to seize control over independent agencies and prosecute his enemies. In fact, within hours of “Day One,” Trump has promised retribution against opponents and a “radical reshaping” of government to place loyalists in absolute control. Such moves would test the U.S. system like never before — even the American Bar Association felt compelled to issue a public warning that many of these actions would be “contrary to the rule of law.”

From these facts, a stark picture emerges. Trump’s behavior aligns with authoritarian leaders who seek to rule unconstrained by law or truth. He repeatedly displayed what political scientists call “authoritarian tendencies”: undermining elections, encouraging violence, demonizing the opposition and media, and elevating personal loyalty over allegiance to the Constitution. As one Foreign Service officer put it in 2017, “I’ve seen this kind of leader before — in developing countries sliding toward authoritarianism — and I never thought I’d see it here.” The guardrails of American democracy barely held during Trump’s first term, often thanks to individual officials’ courage. But those guardrails — from the courts to honest election administrators — are under relentless attack by Trump and his followers. If those defenses falter, the U.S. could tip into authoritarianism shockingly fast. To understand how real that danger is, we must examine how other democracies have fallen in the past — and how closely Trump’s actions mirror those dark chapters of history.

Authoritarian Regimes Past and Present: Lessons on Losing Democracy

America is not the first democracy to face an authoritarian threat from within. History offers grim case studies of how elected demagogues dismantled democratic systems, as well as modern examples of “backsliding” democracies where strongmen have eroded freedoms from inside the system. By comparing Trumpism to these regimes, we see clear parallels — and dire warnings.

Germany in the 1930s: Democracy Dies in Darkness and Speed

Perhaps the most famous example of democratic collapse is the Weimar Republic of Germany, which fell to Adolf Hitler’s Nazi movement. It’s often forgotten that Hitler rose to power legally — his Nazi Party won the largest share of votes in free elections, and in January 1933 he was appointed chancellor of a democratic Germany. From that moment, Hitler moved with lightning speed to destroy German democracy from within, using its own laws. In one historian’s words, “Hitler set about destroying a constitutional republic through constitutional means”. Over just 53 days, Hitler and his allies systematically dismantled Germany’s democratic institutions, exploiting a crisis to seize total power.

The pivotal moment came on February 27, 1933, when the Reichstag (parliament) building went up in flames — the infamous Reichstag Fire. Hitler’s government instantly blamed communist subversives and convinced President Hindenburg to issue an emergency decree. That Reichstag Fire Decree suspended civil liberties — freedom of speech, assembly, privacy — and enabled mass arrests of political opponents. With opposition suppressed and public fear high, Hitler then pushed through the Enabling Act in March 1933. This law, passed under duress, gave Hitler’s cabinet the power to enact laws without parliamentary consent, effectively ending democratic governance. To ensure its passage, the Nazis used intimidation and imprisonment to prevent dozens of opposition deputies from even voting. Judges and civil servants, rather than resist, largely acquiesced, viewing Hitler’s now-legal dictatorship as legitimate. Once armed with the Enabling Act, Hitler wasted no time in outlawing rival parties, purging the bureaucracy of non-loyalists, and instituting totalitarian control. As the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum notes, “The Enabling Act became the cornerstone of Hitler’s dictatorship”. In a matter of months, a vibrant (if crisis-ridden) democracy had been utterly transformed into a one-party Nazi regime.

The fall of Weimar Germany illustrates how quickly freedom can vanish. Hitler did not openly campaign on a platform of abolishing democracy — he promised to “make Germany great again,” appealed to nationalism, scapegoated minorities (especially Jews and communists), and exploited public fears. Once in power, however, he never intended to allow fair elections or opposition again. Notably, he used both legal means and mob violence to achieve his ends. Nazi paramilitaries, the Brownshirts, terrorized opponents in the streets while Hitler’s government passed laws to concentrate power. It was a lethal combination that crushed one of the world’s most cultured nations under a tyranny of unbelievable horror.

The echoes today are sobering. Like Hitler, some modern authoritarians use the pretense of legality to subvert the law. They find loopholes or manufacture emergencies to arrogate power. We should remember that the destruction of German democracy was technically “legal” under the Weimar constitution’s emergency provisions — but it was legitimized by lies, fearmongering, and violence. As one observer wrote at the time, Germans slid into dictatorship in part because many citizens and elites underestimated the threat, assuming checks and balances would somehow hold. By the time they grasped the danger, it was too late. “It can’t happen here” turned into “It happened fast.”

Italy’s Cautionary Tale: The Birth of Fascist One-Party Rule

Around the same time, Italy provided another model of democratic failure that birthed the term “fascism.” In the early 1920s, Italy was a constitutional monarchy with an elected parliament, albeit a fragile one. Benito Mussolini, a fiery populist leader, took a route to power that mixed bold spectacle with political maneuvering. In 1922, Mussolini’s Blackshirt militia squads marched on Rome, threatening to seize power by force. Intimidated, the king appointed Mussolini as Prime Minister, thinking this would stabilize the situation. It was a fatal compromise. Once in office, Mussolini wasted little time dismantling Italy’s democratic structures. He used a combination of legal changes and violent repression to eliminate any check on his authority.

Mussolini’s regime perfected the dual strategy of combining “legal” repression with street thuggery. As historian Mark Neely notes, Mussolini “could mix ‘legal’ state repression with ‘illegal’ squad violence” after 1922. He controlled the police (as Interior Minister) to arrest and harass opponents, while his Fascist Blackshirts continued to beat and terrorize dissidents extrajudicially. Opposition newspapers were shut down, opposition party meetings were banned . By 1925 — a mere three years into his rule — Mussolini had “dismantled Italy’s democratic government” and declared himself Il Duce, the dictator. All other political parties were outlawed, creating a one-party state. The trappings of democracy (parliament, courts) were bent to Mussolini’s will or rendered impotent. Italy’s experiment with democracy was over; fascist totalitarianism had begun.

The Italian case underlines that democracies often die not in one sudden blow, but through a series of power grabs and erosions of norms. Mussolini did not abolish everything overnight; he incrementally chipped away at the free press, the multi-party system, and the rule of law until nothing remained to challenge him. It also showcases the role of violence and intimidation. His rise was fueled by armed squads beating “enemies” (socialists, unionists, minorities), creating chaos that he then promised to crush — a classic “order through violence” tactic of fascists.

We see parallels in Trump’s style of pandering to mobs and hinting at violence as a means to “solve” political problems. Thankfully, America in 2020 had officials who resisted; Italy’s establishment in 1922 largely caved to the fascists. The lesson: when those in power do not firmly oppose anti-democratic forces early, they may soon be unable to oppose them at all.

Hungary’s “Electoral Autocracy”: A Modern Blueprint

Historical fascism is not the only point of comparison for Trumpism. Contemporary authoritarian regimes provide living examples of how democratically-elected leaders can methodically erode democracy. One of the most relevant is Hungary under Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, often cited as an inspiration for America’s far-right. Orbán’s Hungary has been labeled an “electoral autocracy” — not a full-fledged dictatorship, but no longer a true democracy either. Over the past decade, Orbán and his Fidesz party rewrote Hungary’s constitution, manipulated election laws, subjugated the judiciary, and silenced independent media, all while keeping a veneer of elections that are tilted heavily in their favour.

Orbán’s playbook is alarmingly straightforward: gain power through an election, then change the rules to make it nearly impossible to lose future elections. After a stint out of power, Orbán famously swore he would “never lose again.” When he returned as Prime Minister in 2010 with a parliamentary supermajority, he swiftly implemented a plan to consolidate authority. His government gerrymandered districts and changed voting laws to favor Fidesz, stacked the courts with loyalists and weakened judicial independence, and muzzled critical media and civil society. Orbán has openly attacked the pillars of liberal democracy, declaring that he is building an “illiberal state.” In 2022, the European Parliament formally declared that Hungary can no longer be considered a full democracy, but rather an “electoral autocracy.”

If all this sounds familiar, it should. Orbán’s Hungary is a case study in the very things Trump tried to do or aspires to do in the United States. Orbán used state power to “crush rivals, remake the judiciary and game elections”. He demonized immigrants, LGBTQ people, and other minorities to rally support (a tactic Trump also employs with zeal). He even amassed a media empire of loyal outlets that pump out pro-government propaganda — not unlike the pro-Trump media ecosystem in the U.S. (though independent media still exist here). Tellingly, Trump has praised Orbán as a “strong man” leader and welcomed him as an ally. American conservatives have held up Hungary as a model for a “right-wing America” with fewer rights for minorities and fewer pesky checks on leader power. This admiration is not hidden — Orbán was invited to speak at U.S. political conferences, and his acolytes coordinate with Trump’s strategists.

In fact, the parallel agendas are so strong that Orbán’s influence can be seen in Trump’s own plans. Orbán lost an election once (in 2002) and then rigged the system to ensure permanent power; Trump’s allies have explicitly developed “Project 2025” to similarly reshape American government for permanent dominance. As Princeton professor Kim Lane Scheppele observed, referring to Trumpworld’s scheme, “It wasn’t called Project 2025 [in Hungary]… It might have been called Project 2010”. The comparison is apt — both are blueprints to cement one-party rule. The American Bar Association’s recent warning about Trump’s early moves “testing the country’s system of checks and balances” underlines how seriously experts view these Orbán-like tactics.

Beyond Hungary, there are other modern examples: Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdoğan systematically chipped away at Turkey’s democracy, jailing journalists and opponents, changing the constitution to grant himself sweeping powers. Russia’s Vladimir Putin took a nascent democracy in the 1990s and, over years of manipulating elections and eliminating rivals (sometimes literally), turned it into a de facto dictatorship under the cover of staged elections. Global democracy has been in decline for 17 consecutive years according to Freedom House, as authoritarian leaders — or elected leaders with authoritarian tendencies — have risen on every continent. The pattern is strikingly similar across cases: once in power, they attack the free press, demonize opposition as traitors or criminals, alter laws to favor the ruling party, and erode the independence of courts and agencies. They often invoke nationalism, promise a return to greatness, and identify scapegoats to blame for the country’s problems.

It is precisely this pattern that America must guard against. Trump’s term and continued influence align with many elements seen in these case studies. He praises strongmen, undermines independent institutions, spreads disinformation, and seeks to change rules (like election processes) to entrench power. The United States, long a beacon of democracy, is “not immune from this global phenomenon,” as CREW (Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington) warns. In 2021, the world watched with alarm as America flirted with a coup; those abroad who’ve lived under dictators fear they recognize the signs. As one Hungarian commentator essentially said: We’ve seen this movie before, and it doesn’t end well for democracy.

Parallels Between Trumpism and Fascism: Early Warning Signs

Is it fair to use the “F-word” — fascism — when discussing Trump and Trumpism? Historians and experts caution against casually throwing the term around, since fascism has specific historical connotations. Yet, many who study authoritarianism have been unable to ignore the parallels between Trump’s political style and that of early 20th-century fascists. The similarities are numerous and chilling:

• Cult of Personality: Fascist movements elevate a singular, charismatic leader as the object of cult-like adoration — think of crowds heiling Hitler or chanting for Mussolini. Trump has cultivated a striking cult of personality within his base. He declared during his 2016 campaign that “I could stand in the middle of Fifth Avenue and shoot somebody and I wouldn’t lose any voters,” implying absolute loyalty. As President, he demanded personal loyalty oaths, expected Attorney General Jeff Sessions to protect him “the way Roy Cohn would,” and savaged any official (even in his own party) who dared contradict or cross him. Rallies for Trump often took on an adulatory atmosphere, with supporters wearing his merchandise uniform-style and treating him as the only truth-teller against a corrupt world. This hyper-loyalty to an individual over institutions or laws is a classic fascist trait. In fascist regimes, loyalty to the Leader supersedes fidelity to a constitution or abstract principles — exactly the dynamic Trump encouraged (consider how some Republican members of Congress still echo Trump’s election lies despite oath-bound duty to the Constitution).
• “Us vs. Them” Populism and Scapegoating: Trump rose to political prominence by demonizing out-groups and casting himself as the savior of the “real” people. This mirrors what scholars call authoritarian populism. Around the world, such leaders *“fearmonger, scapegoat marginalized groups for a host of societal problems, and chip away at democratic norms” . Trump’s rhetoric has relentlessly othered and blamed certain groups — immigrants (“they’re bringing drugs, they’re rapists”), Muslims (travel ban and insinuations of disloyalty), racial justice protesters (“thugs”), and more. This is strikingly reminiscent of fascist and other authoritarian propaganda, where a nation’s woes are pinned on a demonized “Other” (for Nazis, primarily Jews and communists; for fascist Italy, socialists and Slavs; for Trump, undocumented immigrants, Muslims, and political opponents who are branded as socialist or un-American). Fearmongering is key: Trump started his 2016 campaign painting a nightmarish portrait of American carnage and crime, positioning himself as the only solution. As UC Berkeley researchers noted in a 2024 study, leaders like Trump use populist rhetoric that splits society into two groups — the righteous “people” vs. corrupt “elites” or dangerous “others” — while also stoking nativism and division. This us-versus-them mentality, combined with scapegoating of minorities, is textbook fascism. It serves to unite followers in hatred and fear, making them more willing to condone undemocratic measures “for protection.” Indeed, Trump’s rise coincided with an upsurge in open white nationalist sentiment — for instance, the Charlottesville neo-Nazi rally where marchers chanted “Jews will not replace us!” which Trump infamously downplayed by saying there were “very fine people on both sides.”
• Disdain for Democratic Norms and Rule of Law: A core feature of fascism (and authoritarianism generally) is that winning by any means is justified — norms, laws, and truth are disposable if they hinder the Leader’s will. From early on, Trump exhibited deep disregard for norms: he suggested he might not accept election results if he lost (even in 2016), he encouraged chants to jail his opponent (criminalizing opposition is very authoritarian), and he routinely touted extrajudicial “solutions” (like urging police to rough up suspects or praising vigilantes). Once in power, he saw independent institutions as obstacles — hence his rage at courts blocking his more extreme orders, his firing of FBI Director James Comey amid an investigation, and his constant assault on the “fake news” media when they reported facts he disliked. Political scientists identify several key unwritten norms in a healthy democracy: mutual toleration (seeing opponents as legitimate) and forbearance (exercising restraint in using institutional power). Trump shredded both. He regularly labeled Democratic (and some Republican) opponents as illegitimate, traitorous, or dangerous, rather than simply adversaries. And he showed no self-restraint — if a loophole or technicality let him advance his agenda or personal interests, he’d use it. This mentality — that legalities are tools, not boundaries — is what Robert Paxton (a preeminent scholar of fascism) describes as a fascist tendency to treat the law as an instrument to be bent to the regime’s goals. Consider Trump’s comment, “I have the right to do whatever I want as president.” That attitude is fundamentally at odds with constitutional democracy, but perfectly in line with authoritarian strongmen’s view of themselves as above the law.
• Propaganda and the Assault on Truth: Fascist regimes pioneered the modern use of mass propaganda, disinformation, and the elevation of myth over reality. One of Trump’s enduring legacies is the mainstreaming of brazen falsehood in American politics. As president, he made over 30,000 false or misleading claims (fact-checkers documented an avalanche of lies on everything from crowd sizes to COVID remedies). But more insidiously, Trump and allied media created an alternate reality for supporters — culminating in the belief among millions that the 2020 election (which every court and audit confirmed was secure) had been stolen. Historian Timothy Snyder calls this “the Big Lie” — a propaganda technique actually named after a Hitler tactic of using an absurdly colossal lie to numb the public into acceptance. The sheer scale and repetition of false claims under Trump — about election fraud, about his opponents, about any inconvenient fact — served to sow confusion and distrust, just as autocrats aim to do. As the Harvard Kennedy School analysis noted, Trump’s goal in calling the press the “enemy” and labeling everything “fake news” was to “create confusion in the public mind about what’s real and what isn’t; what can be trusted and what can’t”. This mirrors strategies used by dictators like Stalin and Hitler, who inundated the public with propaganda and discredited independent sources of truth. In such an environment, the leader can then impose his own narrative (e.g., claiming he actually won an election he lost) and rally supporters around that fiction even against all evidence. The deadly impact of this was seen on January 6, when thousands violently stormed the Capitol fueled by a complete lie. It’s also seen in the handling of the COVID-19 pandemic, where Trump’s false claims and dismissal of scientific expertise contributed to chaos and tens of thousands of needless deaths. When truth becomes subjective and facts are treated as enemy propaganda, democracy is in mortal peril — because democratic debate and accountability depend on a shared reality.
• Hyper-Nationalism and “Blood and Soil” Ideology: Fascism historically is ultranationalist — it extols a purist vision of the nation’s past glory and seeks to revive it, often tied to racial or ethnic identity. Trump’s slogan “Make America Great Again” tapped into a similar sentiment of a mythologized past and a promise of restored glory. He wrapped himself in aggressive nationalism (“America First”) that sometimes spilled into racial/ethnic terms (his rhetoric often suggested that real Americans were a certain type). Researchers point out that Trump’s movement has elements of “blood and soil nationalism” — an exclusionary, nostalgia-driven patriotism — combined with hyper-masculinity and grievance-driven politics. A Politico interview with historians noted themes in Trumpism uncomfortably close to European fascism: “illiberalism, hyper-masculinity, blood-and-soil nationalism, a love of strongmen and state power — and politics driven by grievance and anger.”. This encapsulation by scholars shows that, definitional debates aside, Trump’s style rings a lot of fascism’s bells. He admires strongmen and wields the imagery of strength; he appeals to those who feel betrayed or humiliated, channeling their grievances against scapegoats; he shows an affinity for using state power to punish “outsiders”; and he embodies a brash, domineering machismo that fascist leaders often personified.

It’s important to note that Trumpism is not identical to 1930s fascism — history doesn’t repeat in exactly the same form. For instance, Trump has not organized paramilitary squads under his direct command (though he’s encouraged private militias), nor has he advocated a one-party state in so many words. But the overlaps in tactics and tendencies are strong enough that numerous experts on fascism and authoritarianism have sounded alarms. Yale philosopher Jason Stanley, author of How Fascism Works, argues that Trump employs classic fascist tactics like appealing to a mythic past, propaganda of victimhood, and deliberate division of society. Former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright bluntly titled her 2018 book Fascism: A Warning, partly inspired by Trump’s rise. Even President Joe Biden stated in a 2022 speech that “MAGA Republicans do not respect the Constitution … they embrace political violence … This is what a political movement of semi-fascism looks like.” While that phrasing drew controversy, it underscores a growing recognition that Trump’s movement is fundamentally anti-democratic. Indeed, Levitsky and Ziblatt (of How Democracies Die) refer to Trump as “openly authoritarian” and “openly anti-democratic.”

The takeaway for Americans is not to debate semantic labels, but to recognize the dangerous signs. Call it authoritarianism, call it fascistic populism — by any name, it’s a politics that subverts democracy. As the Berkeley scholars put it, they coined the term “authoritarian populism” to describe leaders like Trump because they combine authoritarian governance methods (centralizing power, suppressing opposition, spreading disinformation, fueling political violence) with populist rhetoric (claiming to represent “the people” against elites and out-groups). This hybrid has been rising globally and is clearly visible in Trump’s politics.

Americans must ask: if something walks like a duck and quacks like a duck, how long can we refuse to see it as a duck? If a politician uses the rhetoric of fascism, admires fascist leaders, and seeks to govern in a fascist manner, then whether or not we use the word, we are dealing with an existential threat to our democratic way of life. As historian Timothy Snyder has repeatedly warned, it can happen here — but we are not helpless to prevent it if we act in time.

Fighting Back: How to Resist Trumpism and Defend Democracy

The situation is dire, but not hopeless. History shows that democratic backsliding is not inevitable — it can be stopped or reversed if enough people, institutions, and leaders mobilize in defense of freedom. The majority of Americans still believe in democracy and the rule of law. The challenge is translating that belief into concerted action to fortify our system against authoritarian threats. Resisting Trumpism — and the broader authoritarian trend — requires a multifaceted approach. Here are key steps, both immediate and long-term, that can help safeguard American democracy:

1. Vote, Organize, and Stay Engaged: Democracy’s first line of defense is the active participation of its citizens. Every election matters — from local school boards to state legislatures to the presidency. Authoritarians gain power when good people disengage out of cynicism or despair. Commit to voting in every election, and encourage others to do the same. Support candidates (of any party) who demonstrate a commitment to democratic norms, and hold your representatives accountable if they enable authoritarian behavior. Grassroots organizing is powerful: the peaceful mass protests and voter mobilization after Trump’s election (for example, the Women’s March, airport protests against the Muslim ban, and the record turnout in 2020) all sent signals that Americans were awake. We must keep that energy. Join or donate to pro-democracy organizations, whether it’s Protect Democracy, the ACLU, Common Cause, or local advocacy groups. These groups work to protect voting rights, fight corruption, and educate voters — all essential for resilience. Remember, in 2020, despite pandemic disruptions, more Americans voted than ever before, and that was decisive in checking Trump’s power. Going forward, high turnout and engagement — especially among young and marginalized voters — is crucial to prevent extremist minorities from hijacking our government.
2. Defend Election Integrity and Voting Rights: Trumpism heavily relies on undermining elections — through lies or through rule changes — so defending free and fair elections is paramount. That means supporting measures that make voting accessible and secure (like early voting, mail-in options, robust election security funding) and opposing efforts that suppress votes or subvert results. Unfortunately, in the wake of 2020, many states passed laws that could make it easier for partisan actors to interfere in vote counting or certification. We must push back against these. For instance, in Georgia, a law now allows the state legislature to exert more control over county election boards, raising fears of partisan meddling. Such changes, as experts note, make states into “laboratories of democratic backsliding”. Support litigation and federal legislation aimed at protecting voters’ rights (the Freedom to Vote Act, the John Lewis Voting Rights Act, etc.). Serve as a poll worker or observer to help ensure transparency on Election Day. If you’re in a state where election deniers or Trump loyalists oversee elections, organize watchdog efforts and know your rights to protest or legally challenge any irregularities. The goal is simple: make sure every eligible voter can vote, all votes are counted, and the true results are honored. America should also invest in civic education so citizens understand how elections and our government work — this inoculates against lies. When people understand, for example, that state legislatures cannot just override the popular vote on a whim, they are less likely to be fooled by would-be authoritarians who claim otherwise.
3. Build Broad, Pro-Democracy Coalitions: One of the most powerful antidotes to authoritarianism is unity among those who might disagree on policy but agree on preserving the democratic rules of the game. We must bridge the partisan divide in defense of democracy. That means Democrats, independents, and true conservatives (not the extremist wing) finding common cause. Research shows that “the most successful democracy movements… have always included a coalition of Left and Center-Right actors and networks.” In other words, it takes strange bedfellows sometimes. We saw a glimpse of this in 2020–2022: Republican election officials stood up to Trump’s pressure; some lifelong GOP officials like the Georgia Secretary of State and Arizona House Speaker refused to budge on the truth of the vote. Groups like the Lincoln Project (Republicans against Trump) and Republican Accountability Project formed, and prominent Republicans such as former national security officials went public warning of Trump’s threat. This kind of cross-partisan solidarity needs to grow. Consider that even in the tabletop war games for a potential 2024 crisis, participants concluded that “Defenders of democracy… must do more than they are doing now to prepare” . That includes Republicans and conservatives who still care about constitutional order being vocal and teaming up with centrists and progressives in a pro-democracy front. We as citizens should support and amplify principled voices across the spectrum. If you’re a liberal, recognize and applaud the Liz Cheneys and Adam Kinzingers who put country over party. If you’re a conservative who believes in democratic norms, join with others to oppose attempts to overthrow elections, even if it means allying with Democrats on this single issue. Authoritarians thrive when society is polarized and fragmented; they want us divided into two warring camps so that half the country will acquiesce to anti-democratic moves aimed at the other half. We must not play that game. Find common ground on defending the Constitution, and build relationships and organizations that can mobilize widely. It could be community forums, bipartisan statements, or coalitions like Unite America that work on electoral reforms. The key is showing that democracy isn’t a partisan issue — it’s an American issue.
4. Demand Accountability and Uphold the Rule of Law: One big reason authoritarians repeat their abuses is lack of consequences. If attempts to subvert democracy go unpunished, they become rehearsal for the next (potentially successful) attempt. Thus, resisting Trumpism means insisting on accountability for those who attack our democracy. This includes full accountability for the January 6th insurrection: the rioters who broke laws are being prosecuted, but what about those who incited and organized the coup attempt? It is essential that the Justice Department, courts, and juries continue to pursue justice for any crimes committed by higher-level plotters. (As of this writing, a Special Counsel is investigating Trump’s role in election subversion and the classified documents case; numerous associates have been indicted or convicted.) The principle must be: No one is above the law, not even former presidents. If crimes were committed in an attempt to overturn an election or abuse power, they must be met with legal consequences. This isn’t about vengeance; it’s about deterrence and the rule of law. Future leaders will think twice about breaking democratic norms if they see that doing so leads to disgrace or jail, rather than impunity. On a smaller scale, hold your local and state officials accountable too. If a state legislator supports voter suppression or spreads extremist lies, expose it and work to unseat them via the ballot or appropriate legal means. Support investigative journalism and watchdog groups that ferret out corruption and lawbreaking. In a healthy democracy, the law is a leash on power — let’s make sure it stays strong. Congress should also shore up the legal guardrails: for example, clarifying that a vice president cannot arbitrarily reject electoral votes (they did update the Electoral Count Act in 2022, closing some loopholes that Trump tried to exploit). More reforms are needed, like tougher penalties for intimidating election officials and stronger checks on emergency powers so they can’t be misused to cling to office.
5. Protect Truth and Counter Disinformation: Since the war on truth is a hallmark of Trumpism, fighting back means arming ourselves and our communities with facts. Support quality journalism — subscribe to reliable newspapers or magazines, use credible fact-checking sites, and call out falsehoods when you encounter them in conversations or on social media. We all have relatives or friends who might be drowning in misinformation bubbles. Engage them patiently with evidence (even if it seems hopeless, planting seeds of doubt in the Big Lie or QAnon conspiracy can, over time, bring people back to reality). Social media companies should be pressed to curb algorithmic amplification of extreme lies, but ultimately it comes down to citizens fostering a culture of critical thinking. Encourage media literacy programs in schools so the next generation can discern propaganda from news. In the short term, one practical step is to elevate trustworthy voices: share articles from reputable sources that debunk false claims, amplify experts (epidemiologists during COVID, election officials during vote counts, etc.) rather than rumor-mongers. When leaders lie, they must be confronted with the truth immediately — for instance, when Trump or others spread election lies, journalists should explicitly say “this claim is false” and explain why. Democracies die when people give up on the idea of truth, so we must refuse to let lies go unchecked. As the saying goes, “Democracy dies in darkness” — shining light (truth, transparency) is how we keep it alive.
6. Strengthen Democratic Institutions and Norms: Ultimately, resisting authoritarianism isn’t just about one man — it’s about fortifying the system so no one like Trump can so easily threaten it again. This involves institutional reforms and a recommitment to norms. Some needed actions include: passing anti-corruption laws (to prevent a president from profiting off the office or using it to enrich cronies), enacting safeguards for the Justice Department’s independence (so no president can turn DOJ into a personal law firm or weapon against opponents), and possibly revisiting presidential emergency powers. The Brennan Center for Justice has outlined many such reforms — for example, making it harder for a president to declare unjustified emergencies or to fire inspectors general without cause. The Countering Authoritarianism blueprint by CREW lists steps like legislation to protect peaceful transfers of power, measures to prevent foreign influence and disinformation, and closing loopholes that allow abuse of office. Congress and state legislatures should seriously debate these and enact what they can. We saw some encouraging moves: the bipartisan reform of the Electoral Count Act (to avoid another Jan 6 scenario) and discussions of making it harder to abuse the Insurrection Act or pardon power in self-serving ways. Civil society must keep pressure on lawmakers to prioritize democracy reform, not just partisan advantage. Additionally, we as a society need to revive respect for norms — the unwritten rules like conceding defeat when you lose, or not vilifying opponents as enemies of the state. This could mean political leaders explicitly pledging to uphold democratic norms and the public rewarding that behavior. It also means media and citizens calling out norm-breaking immediately. For instance, when Trump floated staying in office beyond his term limits early on, it was critical that people vocally rejected that idea — normalizing such talk is dangerous. So, let’s normalize the opposite: honor, integrity, and respect in our political life. Democracy isn’t just laws, it’s also the norms of mutual respect and fair play.
7. Be Prepared to Peacefully Protest and Protect Democracy: If the worst-case scenario happens — say, an election crisis where a candidate refuses to concede or a government tries to overturn the people’s will — mass peaceful resistance may be our last line of defense. We should be psychologically and logistically prepared for that possibility. The good news: around the world, nonviolent people power has derailed coups and authoritarian takeovers. Research indicates that defections and pushback from civil society and institutions are likelier when people flood the streets peacefully in huge numbers. In the U.S., imagine if an incumbent tried to cancel an election — millions of Americans would likely nonviolently shut down streets, conduct general strikes, or otherwise make the country ungovernable until democracy was restored. This kind of last resort action may or may not be needed, but being mentally ready affirms our commitment that we will not go quietly into dictatorship. During Trump’s tenure, we saw glimpses: the swift protests against the travel ban led to court reversals, and the massive demonstrations after George Floyd’s murder showed the power of public pressure (even Trump had to hide in a bunker as crowds gathered near the White House). If Trump or any leader crosses a red line — say, firing their way through to nullify an election — we must be ready to rise up in peaceful, but unyielding, protest. Have a plan: know your rights, connect with local activist networks, and identify what symbols (like wearing specific colors or strikes) might signal solidarity. This isn’t extremism; it’s patriotism in action. The U.S. military and police, we hope, would not side with an unlawful power grab if the citizenry is clearly and peacefully opposed. Protecting democracy might even mean creative actions like economic non-cooperation (boycotts, strikes) to show that a regime cannot function without the consent of the governed. Peaceful resistance is a powerful American tradition too — recall the civil rights movement — and it may be needed to counter any attempt to install autocracy.

In summary, resisting Trumpism requires both immediate vigilance and long-term commitment. It’s about winning elections against demagogues, but also about winning hearts and minds for the values of democracy so that demagoguery loses its appeal. It’s about fixing the cracks in our system that Trump exposed — from the Electoral Count Act to norms of civility — and being ready to mobilize if those who would destroy democracy make their move. The road ahead won’t be easy. It demands courage, unity, and sustained effort. But the alternative — sinking into authoritarian rule — is unthinkable and unacceptable.

Conclusion: The Hour is Late, but Not Too Late

The United States stands at a precipice. One of our two major parties is heavily influenced (if not controlled) by an authoritarian faction that has shown it will overturn democracy if given the chance. Trump himself remains the figurehead of this movement, and he continues to openly hint at breaking democratic norms (or laws) to regain power. The threat is not abstract — it is immediate and real. As Levitsky and Ziblatt wrote in late 2024, “The U.S. establishment is sleepwalking toward a crisis. An openly antidemocratic figure stands at least a 50–50 chance of winning the presidency… But time is running out. What are they waiting for?”. Indeed, what are we waiting for? Every warning bell is clanging: respected democracy monitors worldwide have downgraded America’s democratic rating in recent years; former U.S. presidents and generals have issued unprecedented cautions about internal threats; and around the world, dictators cheer on America’s democratic dysfunction because it validates their own rule.

Yet, in this dark picture, there is hope — if we choose to act. The American people previously rejected Trump in 2020, demonstrating that a majority opposed his authoritarian tendencies. Despite his return to power, the courts, the press, and some brave officials continue to play a crucial role in upholding democratic norms. Our democracy, battered though it is, still stands. We have an opportunity — perhaps our last best chance — to strengthen it and ensure it lives on for future generations. It will require transcending party lines, staying informed, and perhaps most importantly, not becoming cynical or complacent. Democracies often perish not just from the blows of extremists, but from the indifference or fatalism of the many. As citizens, we must rekindle our conviction that this republic is worth fighting for — in the courts, in the legislatures, in the streets if needed, and in the hearts of our fellow Americans.

Let the lessons of history guide us. We know what happens if we do nothing: democracy can unravel faster than we imagine, and authoritarianism can become entrenched for generations. But history also shows the power of collective action — from the Americans who marched for civil rights and voting rights, to the Germans who eventually tore down the Berlin Wall, to countless other examples where people said “no” to tyranny.

The story of Trumpism versus American democracy is still being written. We each have a pen in our hands. Will we write a chapter of democratic renewal — where America confronts its internal threat and emerges with a stronger, fairer system? Or will we let the worst instincts and fears guide our fate, writing the tragic epitaph of a great experiment? The answer lies in our actions now.

Be alarmed — you have every reason to be. But do not be paralyzed. Share this alarm with your friends, family, and community — spread the word that democracy is in danger, backed by the facts and history outlined above. Use that concern as fuel to get involved, to speak out, to vote, and to hold leaders accountable. We Americans have disagreed on many things over 240+ years, but preserving the republic should be something that unites us all.

In the end, the antidote to Trump’s authoritarian threat is the same force that founded this nation: the determined, informed, united action of We the People. Our democracy’s survival is on our shoulders. Future generations may ask what we did in this moment — let’s ensure we can say: we recognized the danger, we stood up, and we saved our democracy.

America, the time to defend democracy is now. Each of us must decide: will we be democracy’s guardians or bystanders in its demise? The choice, and the responsibility, are ours. History is watching — and so are the authoritarians. Let’s show them that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the Earth.

Sources:

• Kalb, M. (2018). Enemy of the People: Trump’s War on the Press, the New McCarthyism, and the Threat to American Democracy. Brookings Institution Press.

• Levitsky, S., & Ziblatt, D. (2024, Oct 24). There Are Four Anti-Trump Pathways We Failed to Take. There Is a Fifth. The New York Times.

• Zengerle, P., Cowan, R., & Chiacu, D. (2022, July 13). Trump incited Jan. 6 attack after ‘unhinged’ White House meeting, panel told. Reuters.

• Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington. (2024). Countering authoritarianism: A blueprint for a more resilient democracy.

• Thulin, L. (2025, Jan 21). There’s a term for Trump’s political style: authoritarian populism. Berkeley News.

• Ryback, T. W. (2025, Jan 8). How Hitler Dismantled a Democracy in 53 Days. The Atlantic.

• United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. (n.d.). The Enabling Act. Holocaust Encyclopedia.

• Britannica. (n.d.). The rise and fall of Benito Mussolini. (Transcript)

• Spike, J., & Riccardi, N. (2025, Feb 15). Hungary’s transformation into an ‘electoral autocracy’ has parallels to Trump’s second term. Associated Press (via National Newswatch).

• Zeitz, J. (2024, Oct 29). Trump and Fascism: A Pair of Historians Tackle the Big Question. Politico Magazine.

• Just Security. (2022, Jan 6). Combatting Authoritarianism: The Skills and Infrastructure Needed to Organize Across Difference.

• Brennan Center for Justice. (2024, Aug 1). How to Harden Our Defenses Against an Authoritarian President (Barton Gellman).

• Harvard Kennedy School. (2018). Enemy of the People: Trump’s War on the Press… (Abstract by M. Kalb).